The New Statesman has a Scotland special this week (available
on Thursday). It contains contributions for a wide range of people like Andrew
Marr, Kirsty Wark, Jack Vettriano, Kathleen Jamie, Tom Devine, Helena Kennedy
and Judy Murray.
Here is Alex
Salmond’s contribution.
When the inconclusive result of the last UK general election
became clear, there was considerable anger among some commentators –
particularly from the right – that Gordon Brown was seeking to form a new
administration. For our part, although we were not prepared to enter a formal
coalition, I made it clear that I was open to exploring the possible
involvement of the SNP in an attempt to construct an alternative scenario to
what we believed would be the disaster of a Conservative-led government.
But the sense, from many both within and outside the Labour
Party, was that although there had been no obvious winner, Mr Brown and Labour
had been the clear losers – in England, at any rate. Although Labour had won
258 seats, many people believed that it would have been wrong to seek to form a
government on that basis.
Imagine then how laughable and absurd it would have been if
a party had won just a single seat in England but had not only sought to lead a
government but succeeded in doing so. Such a democratic outrage is so
far-fetched that it would not cross anyone’s mind as a reasonable outcome for
even a second.
I assume readers in England would, rightly, refuse even to
contemplate such a ludicrous possibility. And yet in Scotland today we are
subject to a Westminster coalition government led by the Tories, who do indeed
have the grand total of one MP north of the border. This affront to democracy
gets to the heart of the independence debate. It cannot be right for a party
that is overwhelmingly rejected in election after election (in the four most
recent UK elections the Tories have returned zero, one, one and one MP from
Scotland) to form a government pursuing policies that very few people support.
In fact, for half the time since the end of the Second World War, Scotland has
been governed from Westminster by parties with no majority here.
So when the Prime Minister agreed with his No campaign ally
Ian Davidson, a Labour MP, that he shouldn’t come to Scotland to campaign
against independence because he was “a Tory toff from the Home Counties, even
one with a fine haircut”, both of them spectacularly missed the point.
I suspect both Mr Davidson and Mr Cameron know fine well
that the Prime Minister’s choice of barber, background and nationality are
utterly irrelevant. What is important is that people in Scotland – often the
most vulnerable – are suffering from the impact of a government they didn’t
elect and which cares little or nothing for their lives.
Scottish MPs have voted decisively against the bedroom tax,
the welfare benefits uprating bill, means-testing for child benefit, cuts in
capital spending, Royal Mail privatisation and many more coalition policies but
all of them are being imposed on Scotland anyway.
Within the constraints of the Scottish Parliament, on many
of these issues, there is nothing we can do. On others the Scottish government
is working hard to soften the blow and to seek ways of mitigating the impact.
But it makes a mockery of devolution for the Scottish Parliament to be told to
divert money from other services to mitigate the impact of policies that had
virtually no support in Scotland in the first place.
Because of the way public services are funded in the
“devolved nations”, even policies under the control of the Scottish Parliament
are under pressure from the marketising fixation at Westminster.
In 2011 I appeared on the BBC’s Question Time in
Liverpool where I sympathised with people in England because of the destruction
of their National Health Service that appeared to be taking place. I remarked
that in Scotland we had gone down a very different route and had decided to
keep the NHS in public hands.
Now the shadow health secretary at Westminster is
warning that the NHS is under attack and that the Tories are taking the first
steps towards an American-style system. It was, of course, Labour that
enthusiastically embraced the idea of competition and markets in the NHS and
ripped off taxpayers by hugely expanding the ruinous Private Finance
Initiative.
Labour supporters must now be watching in horror, as the
journey started by their leaders could soon be completed by the Tories, with
the result that universal public health provision free at the point of use
could become a thing of the past in England.
It saddens me greatly to see what is being done to this
great institution, but it is no longer just a case of expressing sympathy.
Within the Westminster funding system, the privatisation of the NHS in England
could be deeply damaging for the funding of public services in Scotland.
That is because, under the (frequently misunderstood)
Barnett formula, if privatisation leads to cuts in public funding for the NHS
in England this will lead to cuts to funding in Scotland. So decisions taken in
Westminster by governments we didn’t elect have damaging long-term consequences
for people in Scotland.
In this respect, it is important to recognise the myth that
an independent Scotland will make it impossible for Labour to form a government
in the rest of the UK. In fact, in only two of the 18 general elections since
1945 (October 1964 and February 1974) would the largest party at Westminster
have been different if Scotland had been independent, and even then, those two
governments lasted for less than 26 months in total. So Scotland’s votes within
the Union have little or no influence on the make-up of the Westminster
government.
But Scotland’s values as an independent country could have a
much more profound impact. We could be a progressive beacon for those
across these islands who yearn for a fairer society. Even before the
Tories entered office in 2010, Danny Dorling, then a professor at the
University of Sheffield, calculated that the UK was the fourth most
unequal country in the developed world.
In Scotland we do not have such extremes of wealth but the
gap between rich and poor is still far too wide. The anti-poverty campaigner
Bob Holman, one who was famously sought out by Iain Duncan-Smith, recently
announced that he was supporting independence. He wrote: “I was born in
England, though I have lived in Glasgow for 30 years. I am a member of the
Labour Party, which is against Scottish independence, but I will be voting Yes
in September. My decision is not because I have strong nationalistic feelings,
but because I believe in democracy and equality.”
And he went on: “An SNP government in an independent
Scotland would be committed to abolishing the punishment that is right-wing
welfare.”
On this he was right. But I don’t believe such a commitment
is confined to the SNP. I don’t believe any government in an independent
Scotland would engage in the dismantling of the welfare state we see under way
in Westminster today. I would never pretend that governments of an independent
Scotland – of whatever colour – will never make mistakes. I don’t believe we
have higher values than anyone else. As in all democracies, there will be
differences of opinion and a lively policy debate.
But since 1999, the Scottish Parliament has shown above all
that taking decisions in Scotland works for the people who live here. When free
personal care for the elderly was brought in, the policy was supported by every
party in the parliament.
Since 2007 the SNP has resisted the marketisation of the
NHS, abolished university tuition fees and removed the means test from
prescriptions. We have championed the universal ideal and recently we have
worked with Labour to find a way to help the disabled and other people
suffering from the cruel and inhumane bedroom tax.
In an independent Scotland with control of social security,
I firmly believe there would be no place for the divisive language of
“scrounger v striver” which is designed to undermine the
welfare state.
Last year, I was honoured to be asked to give the Jimmy Reid
Memorial Lecture. In that lecture, I recalled Jimmy’s celebrated Glasgow
University rectorial address in 1972, in which he spoke of alienation as “the
cry of men who feel themselves the victims of blind economic forces beyond
their control. It is the frustration of ordinary people excluded from the
processes of decision-making. The feeling of despair and hopelessness that
pervades people who feel with justification that they have no real
say in shaping or determining their own destinies.”
When I recited those words I could not have imagined even
then the scale of the rise in food bank use and the despair of those forced to
turn to them because of the coalition government’s destructive attitude towards
social security.
When David Cameron came into office, his big idea was the
so-called big society. But what we see today is a shrinking society – one in
which the third sector and private companies are being asked to become the
public sector’s replacement, not its partner.
So Scotland could indeed be a champion of a progressive
society – demonstrating a different and, I believe, a better way.
This does not mean an unreformed state. We have focused on
prevention and early intervention. We have made some major reforms, such as the
reduction in the number of police forces, and we have cut public bodies from
199 to 113. But we believe in a collaborative model of public services – not
one based on competition.
The UK, then, is an unbalanced and unequal society in many
ways. It concentrates an extraordinary amount of economic activity in London
and the south-east of England. Shortly after he came to office the Prime
Minister warned of the consequences. “This really matters,” he said. “An
economy with such a narrow foundation for growth is fundamentally unstable and
wasteful – because we are not making use of the talent out there in all parts
of our United Kingdom.”
However, since then the imbalances have got worse. A recent
report said 80 per cent of private-sector job creation was taking place in
London. Before Christmas, Vince Cable spoke of London as “a giant suction
machine”, draining life from the rest of the country. In Scotland, we have
seen an improvement in economic performance since devolution. In fact,
even without any revenue from North Sea oil, GDP per head is almost the same as
for the UK. With oil and gas revenues our economy, per head, is substantially
larger.
Far from being the oil-dependent economy depicted by those
opposed to independence, Scotland has diverse strengths and our public finances
are healthier than the UK’s.
We have more top universities, per head, than any other
country and a food and drink industry aiming to turn over more than £16bn a
year. We are major players in the life sciences, financial services, creative
industries and other growth sectors. Despite the UK’s neglect of manufacturing,
we still have significant manufacturers of international standing and we have
enormous potential in renewable technology.
So, the issue for people in Scotland is not if we can afford
to be an independent country – after all, we are one of the wealthiest nations
on the planet. The issue is how best we can build economic security and create
opportunities in the future. The choice is whether to continue as an economic
region of the unbalanced, unequal Westminster model, or take on the powers of a
national economy in an independent Scotland.
As with all countries, we will have challenges to overcome.
The proximity of a world city such as London can be a great advantage but we
need the powers to give Scottish business a competitive tax edge to counter the
suction effect identified by Mr Cable. Expanding the working population is an
important goal. But we are suffering from an immigration policy driven by a
Westminster establishment in fear of the UK Independence Party.
Both the rhetoric and the policy are deeply damaging. The
decision to abolish the post-study work visa is already having an effect. In
the Scottish government’s white paper on independence – Scotland’s
Future – we set out how an immigration policy can be designed for
Scotland’s needs within the Common Travel Area.
In Scotland’s Future we also set out phased
transformational plans for childcare, which will open up much greater
opportunities for women in particular and boost the workforce. This, in turn,
will boost tax revenues. Crucially, with independence, that tax revenue will stay
in Scotland, rather than being sent to the London Treasury, which will allow us
to reinvest to fund the policy. If the SNP was to form the first government of
an independent Scotland, it will be this expansion of childcare that will be
our priority, so we will not go ahead with the married couple’s allowance
planned for next year.
We also propose a collaborative social partnership model to
boost productivity. Our Fair Work Commission will have a remit to increase the
minimum wage at least in line with inflation, and we will bring together
employers and employees in a convention on employment and labour relations to
look at a range of issues such as a living wage. By taking these and other
measures, Scotland will become a more resilient economy. Other, comparable
European countries have achieved higher growth rates and more equal societies,
so we know what is possible.
And for the rest of the UK, a strong Scotland will act as a
counterweight to rebalance the activity so concentrated at present in the south-east
of England. These, of course, are SNP proposals. But the first government of an
independent Scotland will be the government that wins the first election in an
independent Scotland in May 2016.
Before that government takes office, a Yes vote this
September will trigger the start of negotiations with the UK government to
ensure the transition to independence. Both the Scottish and the UK governments
have signed the 2012 Edinburgh Agreement, which commits us to respecting the
outcome of the referendum and to working together constructively in the best
interests of the people of Scotland and the rest of the UK.
On the issue of currency, the Scottish government has
accepted the advice of the Fiscal Commission Working Group that a sterling-zone
currency union is in the best interests of an independent Scotland and the rest
of the UK. The pound is not the property of George Osborne or Ed Balls, nor
even Danny Alexander. It is as much Scotland’s pound as the rest of the UK’s.
When Mr Osborne flew in to Scotland to pronounce that he
would not accept such an arrangement and would refuse even to discuss the
matter with us, the Chancellor chose to misrepresent the fiscal commission’s
proposals. He chose also to misrepresent the size of the Scottish financial
sector and the impact of oil-price fluctuations, and offered misleading
comparisons with the eurozone.
The Treasury further argued that the UK is the continuing
state in international law, and so Scotland is not entitled to a share of the
Bank of England, among other things. As a campaign tactic, it seems as if the
UK government is insisting on the sole right to determine what the assets are and which are the liabilities.
Despite the UK Treasury’s position, the Scottish government
is continuing to be constructive. Even though the Treasury has accepted
that it has the legal obligation to pay back the UK debt in the event of a
Yes vote, we are willing to finance a fair share. This is dependent, of course,
on receiving a fair share of the assets. It is the UK government that curiously
seems to be insisting, through its line of argument, that the rest of the UK
must shoulder the whole debt burden.
As Christine Bell, professor of constitutional law at
Edinburgh, has pointed out, “Legally under international law the position is
clear: if the remainder of the UK keeps the name and status of the UK under
international law, it keeps its liabilities for the debt. The UK took out the
debt, and legally it owes the money. Scotland cannot therefore ‘default’.”
This is just one reason why I believe that, despite the
destructive rhetoric of the No campaign, common sense will prevail and a fair
share of assets and liabilities will indeed be agreed. Besides Mr Osborne’s
announcement, the No campaign has seized on comments by the president of the
European Commission, José Manuel Barroso, about Scotland’s EU membership,
including a preposterous comparison between Scotland and Kosovo. We have always
accepted that it is for the member states to decide the route for Scotland to
continue its membership of the EU as an independent country. We have also
always accepted that negotiations will have to take place.
But there is nothing in any European treaty that allows for
the removal of five million EU citizens against their will because they have
taken part in a legal, democratic vote about how they should be governed. Mr
Barroso’s comments were followed by a range of experts setting out why he was
wrong.
Sir David Edward, a former British judge at the European
Court of Justice who describes himself as a moderate unionist, has said there
is an obligation to negotiate Scotland’s membership between the event of a Yes
vote and Scotland becoming independent.
Yet even more than the legal position, we need to be clear
about the EU’s very purpose. It is founded on the principles of democracy,
freedom and solidarity. It is in the business of enlargement. To remove
Scotland would involve turning its back on these founding values and it is
entirely unclear why any EU state would contemplate such a step.
Our vision of an independent Scotland is one of a country
engaging fully with the EU and the broader international community,
co-operating closely with our friends and neighbours in the UK.
The close cultural and social ties across these islands will
continue and, I believe, will be strengthened. We can learn from each other in
a partnership of equals based on mutual respect. I passionately believe that an
independent Scotland will be a more democratic, fairer and more prosperous
country and that is why I believe the momentum is so strongly with the Yes
campaign and why on 18 September the people of Scotland will vote Yes.